Cardinal Ratzinger recently caused a stir among
Catholics by questioning the legitimacy of the wholesale
restructuring of the Roman Rite following the Second Vatican
Council. A return salvo was not long in coming. Archbishop Rembert
Weakland, in a cover story that appeared in the prestigious Jesuit
journal America, attacked
the whole idea of the indult traditional Mass that is growing
steadily throughout the Church. Despite the request of the Holy
Father to the bishops of the world to be "generous" in their
implementation of the Latin Mass indult, there is massive resistance
in the overwhelming majority of the episcopal conferences throughout
the world.
Catholics who view tradition as their rightful heritage are often
mystified as to the reason for such opposition to the ancient Mass.
The most vociferous enemies of traditional Mass, however, have never
been reticent about stating the reasons for their reaction. They
have made it clear that what is at stake is the liturgical and
ecclesiastical revolution of the post-Vatican II era. The late
Cardinal Giovanni Benelli said it best. When asked if the
traditional Mass would ever return (this was long before the indult
was granted by Pope John Paul II), he answered negatively in rather
emphatic tones. The reason: the traditional
Mass represented an ecclesiology at variance with the one
articulated at Vatican II.
That is the heart of the matter. A steadily increasing
number of Catholics have arrived at the conclusion that the Church
is in the midst of a crisis that will only worsen unless Rome is
willing to examine the possibility that for the past thirty years
there has been a consistent violation of the norm which governs
Catholic tradition: authentic reform must be
grounded in organic development. On a wide range of
issues, there are growing questions as to whether or not this
ecclesiological fundamental has been respected (Cardinal Ratzinger's
recent observations about the new Mass causing "extremely serious
damage" are an example). If a rite of fifteen hundred years had to
be scrapped to accommodate a Vatican II ecclesiology, sufficient
prima facie evidence exists to
question whether or not authentic development occurred.
One aspect of the current crisis has escaped scrutiny: the
present status of the celibate priesthood following the expansive
absorption of many sacred functions by the laity that were formerly
reserved to the ordained. Endangering priestly celibacy because it
is inherently hostile to a healthy masculinity, this structural
revolution evokes an image of a square peg being pounded into a
round hole. The post-Conciliar Church is of a different shape from
that which housed the traditional theology of the priesthood, and a
mandatory celibate priesthood simply doesn't fit. Sadly, all the
pieces are in place for the introduction of "optional celibacy" into
the Western Rite.
The preparation for optional celibacy began with the introduction
of the permanent diaconate following the Second Vatican Council. The
Church was informed by Pope Paul VI that this was nothing more than
the restoration of a classic practice. He remained silent, however,
about the fact that there had never been a Holy "Order" that was
non-celibate since the mandating of celibacy in the Western
Church.[1] The creation of this married rung of Holy Order, followed
by many Protestant minister converts being admitted to the
priesthood,[2] has broken down resistance to mandatory celibacy.
The drift towards optional celibacy was not limited to
incremental developments like the diaconate and the ordination of
married Protestant converts. They are simply the more obvious. The
catalyst that oriented the Latin Church towards the married
priesthood was the introduction of the concept of "collaborative lay
ministry." This began with the elimination of "minor orders" by Pope
Paul, and the tearing away of the substitutions, the "ministries" of
lector and acolyte, from an exclusive orientation towards the
ordained priesthood. Originally, the legislation limited these
ministries to lay men. The bishops
of the United States, with Rome's approval, quickly demonstrated
their second thoughts about that limitation by allowing lay women to
perform these functions. They simply declared that, while only lay
men could be admitted to these ministries,[3] women could and would
be called upon for the special liturgical services of Reader and
Extraordinary Minister of tile Eucharist.
Once that hurdle was cleared, it was only a relatively small step
to the erection of full-time lay "pastoral administrators" that
currently "lead" anywhere between 10 to 15 percent of the priestless
parishes in the United States. Curiously, in 1995 the Vatican
declared that no lay person who administered a priestless parish
could have the word "pastoral" attached to his title.[4]
The next crucial stride towards optional celibacy was the
introduction of "the priestless Communion service," which was
initiated, one would guess, to provide a degree of liturgical
solemnity for those lay persons charged with the pastoral care of
priestless parishes. It always amazed me that Catholics who have
been in the pews for fifty years label this liturgical hybrid with
such local characterizations as "Sister Ruth's Mass." This would
seem to indicate that, to many Catholics in the pew, the Novus Ordo Mass is visually not all that
different in essentials from the priestless Communion service. (If
that is the case, one might say that the Novus Ordo itself prepared vast numbers of
Catholics for the laypresider Communion rite.)
Thus far, what I have attempted to describe is the elimination of
the relationship between function and ontology. Those ordained to
the priesthood have not lost their traditional "roles." The issue
is, rather, that the non-ordained have assumed many of the functions
that have been reserved to the priesthood since the Church emerged
from the catacombs (and probably before).
Sacramental doctrine explicitly reserves to priests only the
offering of the Eucharistic Sacrifice and the absolution of sin.
However, to state that this defines all that is unique about their
ordination mandate is to sponsor a doctrinal minimalism in regard to
the sacramental priesthood that parallels what is being done to the
Sacrament of the Eucharist. The promoters of a Eucharistic
minimalism have been largely successful in their endeavor to confine
the Eucharist to the act of consumption at Holy Communion. Any
expansion of Eucharistic devotion such as Benediction, the
reservation of the Blessed Sacrament within the sanctuary or Corpus
Christi processions has been thwarted in large parts of the Western
Church. The consequent loss of devotion to the Eucharist and a
creeping heterodoxy among the faithful concerning Eucharistic
doctrine have been well documented.
In a parallel manner (and given the innate relationship between
Eucharist and priesthood, not surprisingly) the Vatican and the
bishops are undermining the priestly identity, primarily by altering
his unique relationship with the Eucharist through the introduction
of Communion in the hand, lay ministers of the Eucharist, and lay
presiders of Communion services. Lay pastoral administrators and lay
pastoral associates, as well as the lay administration of
sacramentals (i.e., prayer and liturgical action at the blessing of
throats and distribution of ashes), and lay presiding at funeral and
wedding liturgies are examples of the further usurpation of tasks
from within the sacred environment that was, until thirty years ago,
the distinctive domain of ordained celibate priests in the Latin
Rite.
The Second Vatican Council repeated the doctrine that the
ministerial priesthood differs in essence and not merely in degree
from the priesthood of the faithful. The reality of that doctrine
had always been made incarnate through the unique sacramental and
pastoral role of the priest. But it was never enough simply to
proclaim this doctrine. The priest as alter
Christus was made perceptible (to himself as well as to
others) through a visible role that expressed a clear and
unambiguous ecclesial "division of labor," which was essential to
the personal appropriation of his supernatural identity.
I will argue that the assumption of sacred functions by the
laity, reserved to the ordained for at least fifteen hundred years,
is poisoning the priesthood. The contention proceeds from a simple
premise: if the priesthood is reserved to
men, as has been taught by the Church, then what does harm to
the masculine nature of the ordained weakens the priesthood
itself.
Frank Sheed, the great apologist of the Catholic Evidence
Guild, was always scornful of an entity he referred to as the
"man-eating Thomist." He was referring to those philosophers
supposedly devoted to St. Thomas Aquinas who narrowly focused on his
insights into the Divine but who were seldom intrigued by the
formidable psychological acumen of the Angelic Doctor. Saint Thomas'
eloquence in regard to human emotions is extraordinary. He indicates
that the emotions are often the first to know, in a non-conceptual
form, that which is right and true. While St. Thomas warns that the
intellect must always confirm the intuitive insights of the
emotions, he is equally concerned about the consequences of ignoring
the input of the emotions.
Catholics resisting the post-Conciliar revolution found their
emotions screaming at every new break with tradition. They were
reflexively obedient, however, to the decisions of Holy Mother
Church. Yet for millions of Catholics, the pain has compounded; the
emotions have not ceased to groan. While they have been told by
those in authority that their pain is contrived, the conflict
between their intellect and emotions is approaching critical mass.
Not a few Catholics have begun to reexamine the raw data provided by
their emotions through the filter of an intellectual reappraisal of
the past thirty years of Church history.
Likewise, many priests with whom I've conversed have expressed an
innate sense that something is wrong with the Vatican-sponsored
Usurpation of their shepherding roles by the laity. Whenever
attempts are made to articulate reasons for the discomfort, the
conversation is at-rested when someone inevitably drifts into the
mantra, "Well, we're talking about discipline here; there is nothing
in Church doctrine that would disallow this." So, the silent
conclusion was equally certain: there must be something wrong with
the priest's unease with the developing "collaborative" structure.
"I must be too conservative," "I must be too rigid," "I must be too
selfish in not wanting to share my pastoral role," were often the
unspoken feelings and yet the negative visceral emotions remained
and often intensified.
The mistake was the failure to take into account the obvious
possibility that the unique sacramental / pastoral role of the
priest is not a mere timebound whim of the Church, but is intrinsic
to the nature of the priesthood, particularly a celibate one. From
the time that priestly celibacy came to be understood as the norm,
the unique administration of the sacred and, in particular, the
priest as sole steward of the Eucharist, were supernatural
responsibilities that grounded the celibate's commitment.[5]
The man who has sacrificed wife and family is discovering that the
structure that guarded his self-identity as a spiritual spouse and
father is in the process of being dismantled. The effects are
simultaneously subtle and pronounced.
A constitutive part of masculinity is the desire for unique
intimacy. Much has been written in the past three decades about
appropriate intimacy for the priest. Most of the literature focuses
upon the nature of the human relationships that dot the landscape of
a priest's life. In the 1970s a best seller among priests and
religious was a work entitled, The Sexual
Celibate. It suffered from a variety of weaknesses, but
it articulated a reality worth repeating: namely, the distinction
between the sexual and the sensually sexual within each human
person. The forfeiture of the sensually sexual does not mutate the
human being into an asexual creature. The need for a unique physical
intimacy with another is constitutive of permanent monogamous
relationships ordained by the Creator, Yet it is precisely that type
of intimacy with another human being that the celibate sacrifices.
The celibate priest, however, was offered through his office an
incomparable and unparalleled intimacy: he alone could touch God.
The liturgical legislation of the post-Conciliar era has
eliminated the Eucharistic exclusivity that marked the office of the
priest. The celibate priest no longer possesses the unique corporeal
relationship with God. He is not denied the relationship, but others
have access to it. Consider a parallel situation: i.e., within the
Sacrament of Matrimony. The possession of an exclusive bodily
prerogative with one's spouse is primary; in fact there exists no
greater convergence between the Divine Law and the instincts of even
fallen human nature than on this point. Violate this pact, and one
risks murderous rage. If a celibate priest, however, reacts with
even the slightest resentment towards the loss of what was his
corporeal exclusivity within his Sacrament of Holy Orders, he is
considered a candidate for psychological evaluation.[6]
The fact is that many priests do have an instinctive reaction against the
presence of the non-consecrated hand touching the Body of God. A
non-consecrated hand in the tabernacle, or reaching for the
Sacrament at the reception of Holy Communion, violates an intimacy
that was, before the engineering of liturgical "roles," exclusively
the priest's.[7] A dynamic equivalent to what would fuel the
emotions of a husband who realizes another has shared the exclusive
intimacy with the one to whom he has permanently committed himself,
is present within priests.[8] The sense of alienation is more
intense for the traditional celibate priest because he is aware that
his spouse, the Church, has arranged and promoted the
nonexclusivity.
The change in Church practice that was the gateway to all of the
above was Communion in the hand. Paul VI, in the very document that
permitted the radical departure from tradition, appealed to the
faithful to keep the original practice of receiving the Eucharist on
the tongue. His entreaty revolved around one main point: that it was
an ancient and venerable practice; it was tradition. Whenever tradition, however, is
made to be the major defense of any ecclesial practice, it becomes
incumbent upon legitimate authority to articulate the reason for the
tradition. Without such an effort, the rationale is reduced to a
strategy which embraces a nominalist framework. A practice is of
tradition because it may well be the best (and perhaps even the
only) vehicle for conveying an aspect or aspects of the Faith in
ways that may not be readily apparent. From the liturgical
revolution to the deliberate role revision among priests and laity
that was essential to its success, we have operated on a daily basis
within a Church that has forgotten that tradition is tradition for a reason.
The suggestion is being raised that within the priest there
exists a sublime alignment of the supernatural masculine and the
natural masculine which protects and articulates his gender
integrity. Tradition safeguards these divine and human spheres. This concept never
had to be analyzed because the traditions which shielded the
priesthood from plagues of spiritual neurosis had never been
subjected to tampering. Nor had there been a need to reflect upon
those visible components required to integrate the supernatural
vocation of celibacy with the masculine role.
Let us look at a specific development that intrinsically violates
the cohesiveness of the masculine within the celibate priest.
A "presider" at a priestless Communion service sits in the priest's
chair, proclaims the Gospel, preaches a homily (supposedly composed
by a priest or deacon, though seldom is this the case), goes to the
tabernacle, prays at the altar of sacrifice and distributes the
Eucharist. This non-sacerdotal anomaly talks like a priest,
acts like a priest, appropriates the sanctuary which for at least a
millennium and a half had been the sacred domain of the priest and
clothes him or herself in priestly vesture.[9] All of this is
incompatible with the celibate priest's identification with
fatherhood (in his case, a spiritual one). It represents a radical
departure from century upon century of Church history and
experience, and offers liturgical approbation to the concept of a
"Fatherless" parish society.
I use the phrase "Fatherless" society deliberately because of the
direct parallels within the present secular order. The fatherless
family is a late twentieth-century invention, as is the Fatherless
parish. There have always been parishes that have had to go weeks
suffering the absence of a priest as he makes his appointed circuit
among his far-flung flock. Yet the idea that someone could replace
him in almost all of his pastoral tasks has no pedigree.
Social scientific data do not deny that in the secular sphere
other adult substitutes can do
what a father does, but there are increasing questions as to whether
they should. The analysis points
to adverse effects upon both father and family. Anthropological
research suggests that the key to responsible fatherhood lies in a
condition known as "the desire for paternal certainty."[10] In
the secular culture, this means that a key motivation for the male
to accept the responsibilities of fatherhood is the sure knowledge
that the child is his own.[11] Similarly, what will animate
the celibate male to accept and embrace his commitment to be a
spiritual father is the sure knowledge that there are no rivals to
his spiritual paternity. Manufacturing, positions that substitute
for his pastoral care contradicts the very notion of paternal
certainty.
The protection of priestly identity through a structure which
visibly reinforces key components of his masculine nature is a
necessity, not an option. That means, besides respecting his unique
"sacred space" within the sanctuary, there must be the reservation
of all sacramental and liturgical functions (Eucharistic stewardship
in particular) to his hands and his hands alone. These external functions provide and
manifest the constant and conscious self-reference point of the
priest as alter Christus and
spiritual father. These external responsibilities, reserved
singularly to the priest, interiorly assist his masculine nature to
integrate the purpose of his celibate commitment and motivate him to
acquire the single heartedness that is the priest's only path to
holiness.
The post-Conciliar priest of the contemporary Church (continuing
a trend that began long before Vatican II in the United States) has
become a resident CEO and CFO of a parish plant. He oversees
countless committees that add layers of bureaucracy and
which—paradoxically—place a barrier between the priest and his
people.
Enjoying the perquisites of the CEO that have nothing to do with
his spiritual identity, he begins to delegate the more burdensome
and distasteful pastoral duties in hospitals, nursing homes and the
houses of shut-ins; he avoids being available for the distribution
of Holy Communion outside of his own Masses; baptisms and weddings
are merrily passed off to deacons, as well as marriage preparations;
convert instruction is transferred to the RCIA committee. He'll
appropriate the vocabulary of those who hold legitimate authority in
the Church: "This is collaborative ministry!" No, it is not. This is
masculine pathology, the abdication of fatherhood.
At the same time, this behavior is understandable within the
context of the role-reversal paradigm that infects all of Western
culture. Social science analysis indicates that the propensity
described in the above paragraph is typical of men. Psychological
and social patterns confirm that the role of "nurturer" often is not
a comfortable fit for the male. Anthropological evidence indicates
that fatherhood is very much a learned experience. In her
work Male and Female: The Study of the
Sexes in a Changing World,
Margaret Mead writes (all emphases are mine), "the human
family depends upon social inventions that will make each
generation of males want to nurture women and children" (206).
Indeed, "every known human society rests firmly on the learned nurturing behavior of men" (195).
Mead observes that in every known society, each new generation of
young males learn the appropriate nurturing
behavior and superimpose upon their biologically given
maleness this learned parental role" (198). In other words, the male
must learn fatherhood and that learning must be buttressed by
distinct proprietary functions protected throughout the social
fabric.
Given this information, it is not surprising that the man
ordained to the priesthood, finding that the traditional pastoral
tasks of spiritual fatherhood are being diverted to others for a
variety of ideological and so-called "practical" reasons, begins to
substitute the nurturing role of a spiritual father with one more
conducive to the boardroom atmosphere of a company officer,
permitting more secular competitive and aggressive instincts to
emerge.[12] In fact, he will search for excuses to promote this
exchange of roles, especially when Church authority is encouraging
him to do it.
Again, to understand fully this pathology one needs to review
developments that are taking place within the secular culture. There
is an increasing amount of information suggesting that men are being
marginalized by the emerging social structure in contemporary
Western society. [13] Women, due to their physical ability to bear
children and the concomitant endowment and desire to nurture them,
have a significant and irreplaceable role through the design of
nature. Men, on the other hand, are not as comfortable with
themselves. Unlike women, who possess a clarity of role due to their
inherent maternal qualities, men do not have a "built in" social
niche that is effected through biology. The man possesses a subtle,
intuitive sense that once a child has been conceived his presence is
not strictly required. Modern society encourages this thinking and
rewards it. The abandonment of the family by thousands of fathers
has, in fact, provided verification that women, when forced by
circumstances, can do it all. The psychological and emotional cost
is, of course, enormous upon both mother and child. Yet, mothers and
children in countless cases are surviving, even if not thriving,
without benefit of the masculine presence.
Therefore, the man's instinct concerning the strict necessity of
his role is not incorrect. From primitive history men have had to
appropriate a role that parallels the indispensability of women:
that of provider and protector. With the increasing economic
independence of women, the necessity of this role is being
challenged and men are generally responding in two ways: they either
(1) promote the diminution of their necessity because it allows them
to engage in the selfish side of their masculinity (all play and no
work in regard to relationships with women) and/or (2) experience a
distinct diminution of self-confidence that manifests itself in
behavior that further alienates: promiscuity, impotence,
homosexuality or other sexual aberrations, the abandonment of
children, etc. As pastoral and sacramental care are increasingly
becoming independent of the priest, this secular pathology is
finding all too-familiar parallels among Catholic priests. The
post-Conciliar ecclesial structure has fostered priestly
dysfunction, resulting in a destructive pattern of behavior that is
becoming too evident.[14]
The loss of the priest's unique intimacy with the sacred has
subtly, but mightily, contributed to this development. While
insisting that nothing has essentially been changed for the priest
because lie is still the one who consecrates, the liturgical
engineers have made his presence optional at the most intimate
moment of holy communion between the flock under his care and Our
Lord. The majority of Catholics receive the Eucharist from the hands
of a lay person. The act of shared intimacy that is at the heart of
shepherding ("Feed my lambs, feed my sheep") is absent. The Church,
echoing an increasingly feminized society, is telling priests: "Once
you have consecrated, you are no long needed." The act of the priest
"feeding" the faithful with the Bread of Life incarnates his role as
Its sole provider and, far more than the eye can see, forms his and
his people's perception of his spiritual fatherhood. The priest's
role was never confined to the sanctuary, but what made him unique
to his people was his unique relationship to the Eucharist which he
brought forth from within the sanctuary. The committment to celibacy
in the Latin Rite was the tangible sign of the Eucharistic
"Christ-man."
The entire panoply described above is far more damaging to the
celibate priest than it is to the married priest. Unlike the married
priest, he does not have the benefit of the entire natural side of
the psychosexual dynamic enjoyed by a husband and father of
children. The traditional role of the celibate priest as the sole
administrator of the sacred assisted him in sublimating his natural
desire for exclusivity with another in marriage, and preserved his
orientation toward his spiritual espousal to the Church and his
spiritual fatherhood. In the present situation, celibacy for many
priests has begun to feel like something that one puts on like a
costume. It's not needed for the role in the play; it just lends a
bit of color to the set.
Interestingly, in the Eastern Church, where there has been a
tradition of a married priesthood, there is no toleration of any
transference of the spiritual tasks of the priest to the laity. It
would seem that matrimonial espousal and fatherhood enhance the
understanding of the requirements needed to maintain the
relationship between authentic maleness and spiritual
fatherhood.[15]
This may not be as odd as it first sounds. After Vatican II, the
revolution was not led by those priests who were actually exercising
the tasks of spiritual fatherhood on the parish level (in fact, many
initially resisted it). The priests whose natural habitat is the
world of academia, who have indicated a propensity to value their
professorships at least as highly as their priesthood, have been the
agents promoting the dismantling of the traditional structures that
had protected the celibate priesthood. Weak bishops unwilling to
contradict their entrenched bureaucracies have hidden behind these
"experts." These periti have
wielded unusual power through their ability to influence and even
direct the bishops who exercise the heady authority of the apostles
themselves.
Careerism and ambition rooted in pride have often served (always
to the detriment of spiritual vitality) as the "acceptable"
substitutions for sex for those called to celibacy and vows of
chastity. One must worry that those priests and bishops who have
promoted role revision, although they possess the office of
spiritual fatherhood, are without a natural disposition for it. The
desire for power and status in the form of careerism may easily
eclipse the intensity of male concupiscence. Never having identified
primarily with the role of spiritual fatherhood, role revision
caused them no sense of loss. This mind-set has filtered down, and
the icon of priest as spiritual father degenerates into the image of
the "professional man," and celibates for the kingdom are reduced to
mere bachelors. The priest is increasingly perceived as an
ecclesiastical technician, and often lives down to that role.
Some will think it odd that little in the way of theological
reasoning has been offered in this discussion of the most sacred of
subjects. As I have attempted to suggest, however, the present
situation is a historical novelty. Not only that, but in all candor
I must confess that I do not believe that arguing from historical
precedent by itself will cause many to pause today. So much of what
has occurred in the past thirty years has been contrary to organic
development that there is no reason to be confident that such
arguments in themselves will produce any reflection.
However, a theological response that will be argued against the
premise of this article, especially the plea for the reservation of
Eucharistic stewardship to the priest alone, is that, due to the
shortage of priests, lay ministers and permanent deacons are
necessary: "After all, the Eucharist is meant for people; their
ability to receive the sacrament, especially in mission lands and in
places experiencing severe priest shortages, far outweighs any
possible detrimental effect upon the celibate priesthood." My
initial response is that permanent deacons since the Council have
not been widely used in mission lands precisely because of
the confusion that the disconnect between Holy Orders and celibacy
frequently engenders. Second, any practice that does harm to the
natural connective tissue that makes visible and apparent the unique
bond between the Eucharist and priesthood (expressed by the term,
ordinary minister) [16], will not
leave undiminished the supernatural effects of the sacrament.
Grace builds on nature and transforms it. However, if there
exists an ecclesial structure that disrupts the equilibrium between
the natural and supernatural, grace may lie fallow until that
rupture is repaired. The reception of the Eucharist, after all, is
meant to benefit the entire Church, not just the communicant.
Therefore, if a part of the Church (the priesthood) is damaged by
the structural disorder encompassing the administration and
reception of the Sacrament, then the entire Church is weakened.
Many aspects of the Church's visible life cannot be changed
without assaulting the human element's participation in the sacred.
One branch of the Manichean heresy thought so little of the material
world that it believed it mattered not at all what kind of sins were
committed with the body as long as there remained a spiritual
orientation towards Christ. We risk institutional Manicheism if we
continue to act as if we can do whatever we like with the visible
life of the Mystical Body without fear of spiritual consequences. I
have argued that because grace builds on nature, if there is
instituted a wholesale ecclesial role revision without regard to the
question of nature, the grace necessary to integrate maleness,
celibacy and office may well lie dormant. There will simply be a
disconnect among the emotions, intellect and will.
Those who disagree with what has been argued thus far will
frequently counter that the present discussion has been about mere
"accidentals," unimportant in comparison to all the other problems
in the Church. Our Lord, however, began the Church with the
priesthood and the Eucharist. If what has been done in the past
thirty years is harmful to either, we are perilously close to the
foundations of the Church herself. The notion that the Church can
offer the work of the priest to others without doing harm to both
his masculinity and his personality is a gross presumption. It will
affect the way he views his life and commitment, as well as his
beliefs and prayer.
One more observation about so-called "accidentals." The greatest
mystery in the world, the Eucharist, must be communicated
through"accidents." These accidents must be specific material
substances that unambiguously signify the Sacrament. What have
heretofore been considered "accidents" (mere discipline in the
parlance of the legalists among us) in regard to the functions that
form and integrate priestly identity, may well be as intrinsic to
the communication of the reality of the priesthood—to the priest
himself as well as to the faithful—as is the appearance of bread and
wine to the Eucharist.
The role revision of priest and laity has led to declining
numbers of vocations, despite the embarrassing efforts to "sell" the
priesthood through various Madison Avenue marketing techniques. Even
when there is a temporary spike in seminary registration following a
papal visit, there is no evidence that this initial fervor persists.
It is amazing to observe the contortions required by the public
relations departments of various episcopal conferences assuring us
that all is well with the local church, and at the same time gravely
issuing study papers concerning the projected shortage of priests
and the inevitable remedy of preparing the faithful for
lay-administered priestless parishes. The bishops of England
(mimicking similar rumblings among members of the American
episcopate) are asking the Pope to reinstate into full pastoral
status men who have left the active priesthood in order to marry.
[17] The vocations crisis, created by the anti-masculine policies of
the ecclesiological revolution, is now blamed by the bishops on
celibacy. Celibacy is a problem, but only because the present
structural environment of the Church has removed those elements
which traditionally have supported its compatibility with a healthy
masculine nature.
Of course, it is possible that post-Conciliar Church authority,
by institutionalizing the role revision of priests and laity, has
signaled its preference for and agreement with the social
engineering that has revolutionized so much of Western culture and
society. Or perhaps what has occurred has been a thoughtless and
unreflective drift. Either way, Church authority will discover that,
regardless of the traditional language that masks the altered
structure, the scriptural admonition against pouring old wine into
new wineskins will burst the self-deception.
Either traditional mandatory celibacy for priests or the
present structure that ignores its natural underpinnings: these are
the mutually exclusive options facing the Church. There is no middle
way.
Footnotes
1.The Vatican
signaled early on its growing indifference towards celibacy within
Holy Orders by permitting widowed permanent deacons to remarry. This
contradicted an ancient practice that even the Eastern Church, which
permits a married clergy, does not allow.
2. John M. Haas, a convert and former member of the Episcopal
clergy, in a pamphlet entitled Marriage and the
Priesthood (New Rochelle, NY:
Scepter Press, 1987), voiced caution in regard to what had become an
institutionalized policy by the Vatican's "Pastoral Provision" of
1982: "I knew full well that there were occasions when the Holy See
permitted the ordination of married men to the priesthood. It was
allowed...out of pastoral considerations for Protestant clergymen
who later came to the Faith. But through my reflections I came to
see why this was historically the exception rather than the
norm."
3. During the late 1980s, the Holy See requested the Commission
on the Authentic Interpretation of the Code of Canon Law to review
the possibility of formally admitting women to these ministries. At
one point, some months after their deliberations began, I asked a
member of the Commission about the pending decision. He replied that
the Commission's response had been on the desk of the Secretary of
State for some time. Though unable to reveal the decision of the
Commission, he seemed to indicate his own position (and possibly
that of others in the group) when, after my pressing him for an
opinion on the matter, he replied that women could not be admitted
ministries because they were preparatory steps toward the
priesthood. I expressed my surprise and asked about Ministeria Quaedam (Pope Paul's 1972
decree that separated the ministries from their intrinsic connection
to the priesthood and opened them up to laymen). He gave no reply.
The implication was that there were some in Rome who considered that
decree very problematical. The outcome has followed a well-worn
Vatican path of recent times. The findings were shrouded in silence,
the same treatment rendered to the decision of a Vatican commission
that had determined the traditional Mass had never been abrogated.
Present speculation has it that the Vatican plans to admit women to
these ministries. What seems more likely (and calamitous) is that
Rome will create a non-sacramental but formal order of Deaconess
that would incorporate the roles of pastoral administrator ind
assistant, lector and acolyte.
4. This is not an unimportant development, though it drew little
notice. It is difficult to understand why the Vatican would see a
problem with terminology without seeing the more important one of
concept. This has been a pattern, however, that has governed
post-Conciliar Vatican policy: endorse a substantial change in
traditional practice, but avoid the use of any term that would
indicate a deviation from traditional language.
5. Deacons in the Latin Rite who distributed the Eucharist prior
to the decree, Ministeria
Quaedam,
were always celibate and in a transition period awaiting priestly
ordination.
6. Interestingly, the question of why priests are not displaying
greater discontent over the assumption of their duties has been
raised by a layman. See Joseph H. Foegen, "Questions for Pastors,"
Homiletic and
Pastoral Review (November
1995).
7. Even during those periods in the history of the Church which
witnessed an active diaconal office, the deacon was celibate and was
utilized mainly as a direct assistant to the bishop. He was not an
ordinary minister of the Eucharist. The creation of the married
permanent diaconate eliminated the entwined and inseparable
relationship among priesthood, celibacy and exclusive Eucharistic
stewardship that had been the norm in the Western Church.
8. Even though there are many priests, the usage of the phrase,
"exclusive intimacy," for that which existed between the priest and
the Eucharist is appropriate. Each priest was aware that every
brother priest received the commission to be the guardian of the
Presence of Him Whose priesthood they all shared. It was precisely
this unique relationship with the Eucharist that was a key link in
the bond among priests. The acquisition of this privilege by lay
ministers has seriously contributed to the decline in priestly
camaraderie.
9. This liturgical mutation was captured vividly in a video
cassette, Leading the
Community in Prayer: The Art Presiding for Deacons and Lay
Persons produced by
Liturgical Press in 1989. It displayed on the jacket a picture of a
woman "presiding" at a Communion service, dressed in an alb, with a
male server holding the book, as she extends her hands in
prayer.
10. Bronislaw Malinowski, Sex, Culture,
and Myth (New York:
Harcourt, Brace & World, 1962).
11. It is not being suggested that literal biological fatherhood
is a prerequisite for "paternal certainty." It is being conveyed is
that for a man to assume the role of a father, there must be no
question that, in all things other than genetics, the one with whom
he enters into a paternal relationship is unambiguously "his" child.
This would have application to the spiritual fatherhood of the
priest who is "Father" in the order of grace rather than nature.
12. This phenomenon is not confined to the managerial model.
Often, other secular identifications are adopted, i.e.,
"priest-therapist," "priest-educator," etc. These new roles may
explain why priests are encouraging women to appropriate roles
heretofore reserved to their office. Women, being nurturers by
nature, are more than willing to cooperate. The result for the
heterosexual celibate, however, is the exchange of his sense of
spiritual fatherhood for that of a "professional bachelor."
13. David Blankenthorn, Fatherless
America (New York:
Harper Collins, 1995).
14. This is hardly to suggest that every case of aberrant sexual
behavior is caused by the present ecclesial environment. The
ecclesial structure, for a variety of reasons that would require an
entirelv separate discussion, is also attracting the walking
wounded.
15. It does not follow that a married priesthood,
in
se, protects the
sacred prerogatives of a priest more effectively than a celibate
one. When celibacy and bachelorhood become ecclesial synonyms,
however, there is a corresponding occlusion of paternal
sensibilities that would have developed and matured had the mutation
not occurred. Grace builds on nature (thus it can preserve the
authentic masculine and paternal sensibilities of the married priest
through the natural environment of family life), but it also
transforms nature, and preserves the masculine and paternal in the
priest who properly orders celibacy towards the Kingdom (as opposed
to allowing it to degenerate into nothing more than the single
"alternative lifestyle").
16. It should be noted that the Council of Trent posits that, "It
has always been the custom in the Church of God that lay persons
receive Communion from priests." Council of Trent, sess. XIII. cap.
VIII, De usu
admirabilis hujus sacramenti. "Semper in
ecclesia Dei mos fuit, or laici a sacerdotibus communionem
acciperent."
17. Catholic
World Report Vol. 7 (October
1997).
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